After the fall of Assad, Syria's women are facing a historic opportunity: more political participation, legal reforms and social change. However, deeply rooted patriarchal structures could put a hold on progress. What will their future look like in the new era?
The fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime in December 2024 marked a significant turning point in Syria's history, profoundly impacting various facets of society and bringing hope that Syria can witness freedom and equality for all its citizens. The roles and rights of women in Syria are at the heart of the country’s ongoing transformation.
The post-Assad era provides new opportunities for women’s empowerment and engagement, but there remain significant challenges to achieving true gender equality. Syrian women are showing high awareness and determination to assert their rights and roles in society and continue to tirelessly work towards equality and representation.
During the Assad era which extended over half a century, Syrian women struggled to attain political representation. Under both Assads’ rule (Hafez al-Assad then his son Bashar), women’s roles in governance were largely symbolic. The government appointed women to positions in a bid to project an image of inclusivity, but real political influence remained out of reach.
The government appointed women to positions in a bid to project an image of inclusivity, but real political influence remained out of reach.
The Women’s Power Index shows that in 2024, women constituted a mere 12 percent of the government and 10 percent of the legislature in Syria. A key moment in Syrian political history was the appointment of Najah al-Attar as vice president for cultural affairs in 2006, a position she retained till the removal of Bashar al-Assad in 2024 when al-Attar was aged 92. It is clear that Assad’s choice of Attar for this position – having been appointed at age 74 and then serving for almost two decades – aimed to present a mere illusion of gender inclusion.
Key moment
Another key moment was the appointment of Hadia Khalaf Abbas as the first female Speaker of the People’s Assembly in 2016. However, her tenure was short-lived, as she was dismissed less than a year later, underlining the fragility of women’s political participation under Assad rule.
Her removal was attributed to a “lack of performance” and for allegedly violating parliamentary rules, it was a reflection of the broader unwillingness of the regime to accept women in powerful leadership positions, even though the Syrian parliament itself had no actual independence from the Assad regime.
Bashar al-Assad famously had a woman political and media advisor, Bouthaina Shaaban, who was active in the public domain. Shaaban was widely seen as no more than a propaganda mouthpiece for Assad with no credibility. For example, in 2020, at the height of economic devastation and currency devaluation in Syria, Shaaban stated that the Syrian economy then was 50 times better than it was in 2011 when the Syrian Revolution began. Assad later appointed another woman advisor, Luna al-Shibl, whose role was not clear and who was killed in mysterious circumstances in 2024. But the most prominent woman in public life in Syria who had actual power was the first lady Asma al-Assad.
She exercised significant authority over aspects of Syria’s economy and aid sectors. Through her organizations Syria Trust for Development and Al-Areen and through her taking over of assets generating profits for the Assad regime, Asma al-Assad was at the heart of the corruption that enriched the regime at the expense of the Syrian people.
Syria's former President Bashar al-Assad and First Lady Asma al-Assad during a visit to Beijing in September 2023, photo: Syrian Presidency via zumapress.com/picture alliance.
Women’s political representation during the Syrian conflict
During the rule of the Assads, outside of the regime circle inside Syria women artists, educators, cultural workers, journalists, lawyers and other professionals were mainly politically active below the radar due to the regime’s authoritarianism. Their work played a role in paving the way for the public action of the 2011 Revolution.
Women played key roles in the revolution on all levels, from raising awareness to organization. Some prominent women activists like Razan Zeytouneh were consequently accused by the Assad regime of being foreign agents. Such women simultaneously faced threats from Islamist extremist groups that began rising in Syria during the Syrian conflict. One such group is believed to have kidnapped Zeytouneh and other activists, whose fate remains unknown.
The most prominent woman in public life in Syria who had actual power was the first lady Asma al-Assad.
The UN-led peace process for Syria that began in 2012 tried to include women in the discussions around political transition in Syria. In 2019, the UN Syria Envoy assembled the Syrian Constitutional Committee, in which women comprised 30 percent of its 150 members. Women figures also became prominent in the political domain among the opposition in the diaspora, such as the late Bassma Kodmani who at one point served as the spokesperson of the Syrian National Council.
The prolonged Syrian conflict has inadvertently shifted gender roles in society. With many men killed, disappeared, or conscripted, women have increasingly assumed responsibilities traditionally held by men. Many have become the primary breadwinners and heads of households, a development that has granted them greater autonomy and visibility in public life. Women have taken on more roles in various sectors, from business and education to journalism and civil society. Despite these advancements, societal attitudes toward working women in some conservative circles have been slow to change.
Many women continue to face domestic violence, economic hardships, and social stigmatization for stepping outside traditional gender roles. In some areas, women who work or engage in public life face harassment and threats, making it difficult for them to fully exercise their newfound independence. In contrast, certain Syrian regions have embraced women’s empowerment more prominently on some levels. In Kurdish controlled Rojava, women have been actively involved in governance, and co-leadership models have been introduced to ensure gender parity in decision-making bodies.
In Kurdish controlled Rojava, women have been actively involved in governance, and co-leadership models have been introduced to ensure gender parity in decision-making bodies.
Ilham Ahmed for example is the co-president of the Executive Council of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria and highly active in diplomatic circles globally. Women’s councils have been established to address community issues, and female police units have been deployed to handle cases of gender-based violence. There have also been female fighters in the battles against the Islamic State terrorist organization under the auspices of the Women’s Protection Unit (YPJ).
The Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria has implemented policies banning polygamy, ensuring equal inheritance rights, and establishing women’s houses to support survivors of domestic violence. These measures set a precedent for broader legal reforms, but their influence remains geographically limited and their sustainability remains uncertain in a nation still grappling with instability and competing ideological forces. And despite the policy changes, conservative attitudes in northeast Syria towards women have not disappeared.
Women’s status after the fall of Assad
The collapse of the Assad regime created an opportunity to redefine women’s political engagement. Aisha al-Dibs became the head of the Women's Affairs Office in the transitional government, making her the first woman to hold an official position in the new administration. Her mandate was to address legal, social, cultural, and political issues affecting Syrian women.
Nevertheless, her appointment was met with controversy when she criticized feminist organizations, suggesting they were responsible for rising divorce rates. These statements illustrated the ongoing tension between progressivism and conservative societal attitudes, even among women in positions of power.
Federal Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock at a meeting with Syria's interim president Ahmad al-Sharaa (r) in Damascus on 3 January 2025, photo: Dominik Butzmann via AA/photothek.de/picture alliance.
The new administration led by Ahmad al-Sharaa promoted Masyaa Sabreen, the vice governor of Syria’s Central Bank, to the position of governor, making her the first woman to achieve such a position in the Arab world. The administration also appointed two women, Hind Kabawat and Houda Atassi, in the seven-member Preparatory Committee for the National Dialogue Conference which took place in late February 2025. Both Kabawat and Atassi had been highly active in the political and civil society domains for years prior to their appointment and possess significant political experience. Two women who are law experts, Raya’an Kahilan and Bahia Mardini, have also been selected as part of the seven-member committee responsible for drafting a constitutional declaration. Despite these appointments, the overall representation of women in the transitional government remains limited.
Activists have continued advocating for genuine female inclusion in decision-making processes, emphasizing that Syrian women have demonstrated resilience and capability but still struggle against patriarchal norms. The push for women’s voices to be integral to Syria’s reconstruction and political transformation remains an uphill battle. While the transitional government has made promises to increase female representation, practical implementation has been slow, and many women’s rights activists fear that their efforts will be sidelined in favour of more immediate political and economic concerns.
Activists have continued advocating for genuine female inclusion in decision-making processes, emphasizing that Syrian women have demonstrated resilience and capability but still struggle against patriarchal norms.
Personal status laws in Syria have long been an area of contention, governed largely by religious doctrines that disproportionately disadvantage women. Before the fall of the regime, there were minor attempts at reform, such as raising the legal marriage age to 18 and allowing women to marry without a guardian’s approval. However, these amendments were largely superficial, failing to dismantle the deeply entrenched structures that perpetuated gender inequality. Divorce laws, inheritance rights, and child custody remained heavily biased in favour of men, leaving women with limited legal protections.
Following Assad’s fall, discussions on personal status laws have gained traction, but the transitional government remains unclear on the issue. While some members of Syrian civil society advocate for progressive reforms ensuring gender equality, conservative elements resist change, insisting that the country’s laws adhere to traditional interpretations of Sharia law. Ideological clashes can result in legal ambiguities, which would leave women in a precarious position.
The arts: a powerful medium
The arts have long served as a powerful medium for expression and resistance in Syria, and women have played a significant role in keeping cultural life alive despite years of war and oppression. Following the fall of Assad’s regime, cultural activities have seen a resurgence. Interestingly, the Islamist-led authorities from Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), who took control after the collapse of the government, have exhibited a tolerant approach toward cultural events. Concerts, art exhibitions, and theatrical performances have resumed, with assurances and support from the new administration. This shift appears to be a strategic move to avoid backlash and gain legitimacy on the international stage.
Concerts, art exhibitions, and theatrical performances have resumed, with assurances and support from the new administration. This shift appears to be a strategic move to avoid backlash and gain legitimacy on the international stage.
However, there are lingering concerns about whether this tolerance will last as the government consolidates its power. Women are at the heart of civil society efforts to push for respect for freedom of expression. Women artists have continued to push boundaries, using their work to challenge societal norms and political oppression. In the Syrian diaspora, there have been major theatrical, cinematic and television productions that highlight issues of gender inequality and human rights abuses, exemplifying the critical role that arts and culture play in challenging oppressive narratives and fostering dialogue. Despite facing threats and censorship, women artists in Syria remain determined to make their voices heard. Syria today presents the opportunity for the talent among women in the diaspora to become active inside Syria again.
Opportunities and challenges for Syrian women post-Assad
The post-Assad era has seen several opportunities for improving the status of Syrian women. Increased political representation signals progress in integrating women into leadership roles. Ongoing legal reforms can provide women with greater rights and protections, which will be a crucial factor as Syria begins to draft a new constitution. Syrian women’s resilience in the arts and culture sector has allowed for the continued expression of their struggles and aspirations, keeping their stories alive despite political upheavals.
However, these advancements coexist with significant challenges. Entrenched patriarchal norms continue to limit women’s full participation in political and public life. While women have proven their capabilities, societal resistance to female leadership remains strong. Legal ambiguities in personal status laws leave women vulnerable to discriminatory practices, and the slow pace of legislative reform means that many continue to suffer under outdated and unjust legal frameworks. Additionally, economic instability and security concerns make it difficult for women to capitalize on the opportunities that have emerged in the post-Assad period. It is also not yet known what Syria’s new constitution will offer Syrian women in terms of safeguarding equality and inclusion.
Despite these challenges, Syrian women remain at the forefront of efforts to rebuild their country. Activists, politicians, artists, and community leaders continue to push for greater rights and representation, refusing to be sidelined in the new political order. Their struggle is far from over, but their resilience and determination offer hope for a more inclusive and equitable Syria in the future. The road ahead is uncertain, but the contributions of Syrian women in shaping the nation’s future cannot be overlooked. Their fight for equal rights, political representation, and cultural expression will remain a crucial part of Syria’s ongoing transformation.
About the Author
Lina Khatib
Associate Fellow, Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House
Lina Khatib is an associate fellow at the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House. Previously, she was director of the SOAS Middle East Institute and Professor of Practice at the Department of Politics and International Studies at SOAS University of London. Her research focuses on international relations in the Middle East, Islamist groups and security, political transformation and foreign policy, with a particular focus on the Syrian conflict.
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